José Rubén Zamora is one of Guatemala’s most respected journalists. For more than 25 years, he led elPeriódico (a former MDIF client), an outlet renowned for its hard-hitting investigations that exposed corruption at the highest levels of power. Under his leadership, elPeriódico became a national symbol of accountability.
But this commitment came at a high cost. On July 29, 2022, Zamora was arrested and imprisoned under what leading human rights organizations, including Amnesty International, describe as politically motivated charges. His detention was widely condemned as part of a broader pattern of judicial persecution targeting independent media, judges and anti-corruption voices in Guatemala.
After more than 800 days in prison, he was returned to prison in March 2025 after a brief period under house arrest. His newspaper was forced to shut down in 2023 in a major blow to the country’s democratic aspirations.
During his short time under house arrest, MDIF had the opportunity to meet with Zamora. He spoke at length about the role of independent media in resisting authoritarianism, the concept of “islands of coherence” and how media can emerge amid democratic decline.
After we talked, he wrote down his thoughts on what we’d discussed. Below is the unedited, translated text and a link to the original in Spanish here.
During the 27 years of El Periódico’s existence, you maintained independent journalism despite increasing pressure. How did you manage to create and maintain what could be seen as an “island of coherence” within Guatemala’s increasingly hostile media environment?
In the early days of my journalistic practice, the country’s bottlenecks were excessive social fragmentation (thousands of “islands” with no “bridges” between them and no internal communication) and a generalized crisis of confidence: nobody believed in anyone.
Each sector blamed other sectors for what we knew as the lost decade, though it lasted more than 25 years. The Army, which represented absolute power, blamed the Catholic Church, the private sector, the universities and the unions for the crisis. In the same way, each sector blamed the other actors for the crisis, which among other distinctive characteristics included internal war, financial and exchange instability, economic stagnation, marginalization, poverty and atrocious racism. All this in a context in which the authentic moral, political and intellectual affinities of the elites were with intolerance, monologue, authoritarianism, mercantilism, privileges, political corporatism, political and economic monopolies, opacity, impunity, polarization and ideological extremism.
From the first day, elPeriódico showed its commitment and convictions to freedom, tolerance, plural public debate, respect for the rule of law and human rights, against racism, marginalization and poverty, in favor of the emergence of an irreverent society, less willing and exposed to accepting abuses of public power, in favour of the deepening of a genuine Western-style democracy, against the epidemic of impunity that is still a scourge in Guatemala.
There were years of triumphant progress, but there were also ominous regressions and setbacks. For readers, we represented fresh air and shoed that in Guatemala it was possible to express the truth with critical emphasis, to expose what was hidden, to carry out rigorous and in-depth investigations, plural public debate and that the status quo could be challenged by accepting high levels of inherent professional risks.
We also represented for our readers/citizens a medium/interlocutor that identified with their concerns, aspirations, demands, requirements and dreams. From another perspective, the media managed to develop a strong sense of identity with its readers/citizens: an “island of coherence” based on independent journalistic practice, but also on struggles, achievements and common causes such as freedom, democracy, education, transparency in the midst of instability, war, rampant corruption, ideological extremism and the abusive authoritarianism that prevailed.
In parallel, from the beginning of the newspaper, prominent leaders of civil society, intellectuals of the guerrilla and reformist military were identified and not only were spaces given to them in the newspaper, they were given 150 pages a year to manage and distribute as they saw fit so that they could publicly express their position on each situation, as free space given for their current publications.
They were invited to a monthly lunch where there was always a speaker on important topics and short seminars were held quarterly with renowned regional experts in different areas: energy, fiscal policy, monetary, exchange and credit policy, poverty alleviation policies, national objectives and strategies, public policy packages, economic, political, social and military scenarios. This group achieved a high level of cohesion, identity and coherence and even at critical moments it came to have more weight than the Congress of the Republic itself, playing a key role in the reversal of the coup d’état of former President Jorge Serrano, known as the “Serranazo”, immediately after the “Callejazo” in Honduras and the “Cristianazo” in El Salvador.
The former presidents of the northern triangle of Central America dreamed of following in Fujimori’s footsteps in Peru, a pact they established in the ruins of Copán, Honduras, days before the failed coup d’état in Guatemala in 1992. During the 8 days that the coup attempt lasted, the informal group that accompanied the newspaper called itself the National Consensus Instance and was responsible for choosing Ramiro de León Carpio and Don Arturo Hebruger as President and Vice President of the transition, to finish the government of Serrano Elías.
That is to say, at a time of chaotic collapse of democracy, an alliance of small, organized groups, an “island of coherence” as Prigogine would call it, made a key contribution to maintaining and preserving the democratic system.
Prigogine’s concept suggests that small, organized systems can emerge and persist within the broader chaos. How do you see independent media like elPeriódico functioning as these “islands of coherence” in countries experiencing democratic backsliding?
They play a fundamental role in chaotic systems by acting as organizing and catalytic agents within the social and political ecosystem. In Guatemala, society was fragmented and divided, amid a crisis of inter- and intra-sectoral trust, lacking communication and a shared agenda. These media not only connect these islands but also identify common challenges and put them at the center of plural public debate.
We can understand independent journalism as an integral part of the ecosystem of “islands of coherence” that Prigogine describes. However, their role goes beyond the simple narration of facts and expert opinions on different issues and problems; they act as bridges that facilitate collaboration and discussion between different actors and social groups, mobilize society and generate a sense of collective purpose at critical moments. These “islands of coherence” can not only form a solid alliance (networks of resistance) but also develop a common agenda and even direct national energy in times of widespread chaos and democratic decline.
Your persecution and imprisonment coincided with broader regional trends of democratic erosion. From your perspective, what subtle warning signs should journalists and citizens look out for that could indicate a democracy is beginning to crumble?
1. Erosion of the judiciary: The instrumentalization of justice to silence critical voices through spurious cases, political persecution and forcing the exile of judges and justice operators, journalists and activists.
2. Intolerance and progressive imposition of a culture where only monologue exists.
3. Co-option of the powers of the State: An alliance between criminal cells and political actors and sectors of the private sector that seek at any cost to preserve power, eliminating any threat to its stability.
4. Manipulation of the electoral process: In 2023, the system attempted to eliminate candidates who represented a threat to the status quo, opening a gap that allowed the partial recovery of executive power, but leaving an uncertain future for democratic resistance.
5. The system cannot combat drug trafficking, corruption and impunity because drug trafficking, corruption and impunity are the system. Subtle warning signs that journalists and citizens should watch out for:
- Selective “judicialization”: Legal proceedings used against opponents or dissident voices of the regime.
- Organized disinformation: Narratives designed to delegitimize independent voices or discredit elections by large political, economic and business monopolies.
- Attacks on press freedom: From judicial and fiscal persecutions, financial boycotts, smear campaigns against independent journalists and media, assassination attempts, exiles, prison, arbitrary and rampant closure of media outlets.
- Social fragmentation: Fostering divisions to weaken citizen movements and hinder the building of consensus.
- Co-option of institutions: Strategic appointments to key bodies (courts, prosecutors, regulatory bodies) that respond to particular interests and not to the common good.
In the face of these signs and concrete realities, democratic resistance requires bridges between social, political and institutional sectors and groups, which in alliance become genuine “islands of coherence” that contain the damage and erosion of freedom and democracy and promote transparency, the rule of law and inclusion. Civil society groups, good bureaucrats and committed journalists are crucial in identifying these signs in time for people to act before it is too late.
ElPeriódico was able to build a community of readers who valued truth and transparency. How crucial is this relationship between independent media and engaged citizens to maintaining democratic “islands” when the broader system tends toward authoritarianism?
The history of elPeriódico shows that the credibility of independent media and their readers and with society as a whole, including citizens who are not usually readers of the media, allows for maintaining and preserving democratic “islands of coherence” in unstable and chaotic contexts with a tendency toward authoritarianism. Through rigorous and in-depth investigations, we managed to mobilize citizens to demand the resignation of President Otto Pérez Molina and Vice-President Roxana Baldetti and to bring many of our investigations to court.
Maintaining and preserving the credibility and trust of our readers and non-readers was essential to driving this type of change. Concepts such as democracy, freedom and the rule of law are abstract and often not experienced on a day-to-day basis. These values must be translated into people’s everyday challenges, showing how the absence of these values and principles affects the average citizen.
In 2023, citizens defended these principles, but it is essential to translate them into tangible results: concrete improvements in education, security and health. The search for these concrete achievements facilitates the emergence of “islands of Cohesion”; democracy must be made palpable for all. ElPeriódico managed to increase the allocation in the state budget for education by 1.5% of GDP with the support of 45 civil society organizations and around 200,000 citizens, with their signatures, their identification number and their electoral registration number.
Prigogine’s work suggests that even small, stable systems can influence larger, chaotic systems. Looking back, can you identify moments when your journalism created domino effects that challenged or changed broader systemic corruption?
Attempts at coups were turned back; all members of Congress and Supreme Court justices were forced to resign; a constitutional reform was achieved that ended inorganic and unsupported funding for the state; the allocation of resources to education in the state budget was significantly increased; several presidents of the republic, ministers of state and high officials were brought to justice; the planet was made to realize that a multi-party fascist dictatorship prevails in Guatemala, which every four years elects a thieving president, a klepto-president, with a new face and a new political party to refresh the system.
However, the narco-klepto dictatorship lost its “Chanel” brand disguise. These achievements not only challenged corrupt structures: they also opened paths to strengthen democracy in Guatemala. In 2015, with the departure of Otto Pérez Molina, there was a “window of opportunity” that made evident the power of citizen mobilization informed by independent journalism. However, as occurs in chaotic systems, processes are cyclical. Anti-democratic groups and organized crime have demonstrated a great capacity for survival, constant adaptation, and the ability to regain control and exercise power.
In 2023, after one of the most repressive moments of the authoritarian regime disguised as democracy in the country, Guatemala once again finds itself facing a “window of opportunity”. This moment highlights the importance of journalism as a catalyst for change and as facilitators of the emergence of one or more “islands of coherence” that could influence the erosion of the dominant unstable and chaotic system. However, cycles of regression have shown that small, organized systems, with modest and small facilitators, catalysts and agents of change but with a tireless fighting spirit like elPeriódico, can generate significant transformations in the fight against corruption and systemic impunity.
Your experience suggests that democratic backsliding often strikes independent media first. Based on this pattern, what strategies would you recommend to emerging “islands of coherence” – whether media outlets, civil society organizations, or citizen groups – to build resilience against authoritarian pressure?
My arrest on July 29, 2022 highlighted a recurring pattern: authoritarianism often strikes independent media first. However, what surprised us was the immediate and supportive response from the journalistic community, readers, citizens and international press and judicial organizations.
Locally, several media outlets quickly organized to launch collaborative projects to strengthen resilience against authoritarian pressure. A prominent example was the La Linterna initiative, led by Agencia Ocote, in which seven independent Guatemalan media outlets worked together on a fact-checking exercise to mitigate disinformation during the 2023 elections. This type of collaboration underscores a key lesson: journalism is an essential public good. It is the basis on which citizens can monitor and demand accountability from power and demand concrete results from those who hold it.
The strategies for “islands of coherence” emerging in the midst of chaotic, unstable, autocratic contexts, where abuses of power and state terrorism prevail would be the following:
1. Promote collaboration between independent actors: Joint projects, such as La Linterna, demonstrate that the union of efforts amplifies the impact of initiatives and strengthens the capacity to resist authoritarian attacks.
2. Build strong links with citizens: It is essential that audiences not only consume information, but also actively participate in monitoring processes. Involving citizens in transparency initiatives strengthens the legitimacy and reach of independent media.
3. Diversify resources and platforms: Dependence on a single source of financing or a dissemination channel increases vulnerability. “Islands of coherence” must seek financial sustainability through alliances, innovative and diversified local and international funding rounds, and the use of technologies that guarantee their permanence and reach.
4. Respond with more and better journalism: Authoritarian attacks on journalism must be met with an even greater commitment to truth, rigorous investigation and transparency. This not only reinforces credibility but also demonstrates the ability of independent institutions to resist external pressure.
5. Establish concrete and tangible objectives: “Islands of coherence” need to define clear goals that connect with the daily problems of citizens, translating abstract values such as democracy and freedom into tangible results that improve people’s lives. In essence, the key to building resilience in the face of authoritarian pressure lies in strengthening the ties between independent media, civil society organizations and citizens. Together, they can form stronger “islands of coherence” with an impact that transcends the attacks, violence and arbitrariness of authoritarianism.
Drawing on both your personal experience and Prigogine’s ideas about order emerging from chaos, how do you view the role of diaspora journalists and closed media in maintaining or recreating these “islands of coherence” from exile?
Around 100 Guatemalan justice operators, journalists and activists are living in exile. This phenomenon is not unique to Guatemala: similar examples can be seen in other contexts of democratic backsliding.
In El Salvador, El Faro was forced to establish the first newsroom in exile, while in Nicaragua, media such as La Prensa and Confidencial continue their investigative work from outside their borders, relying on internal sources who take great risks to provide information about what is happening inside the country.
The role of diaspora journalists and independent media is fundamental to the creation and maintenance of these “islands of coherence” in authoritarian contexts. Despite the difficulties of exile, these media act as an essential monitoring mechanism, keeping the international and local community informed of human rights violations and abuses of power so that they do not go unnoticed.
In my personal case, accompaniment, support, solidarity, recognition and international coverage have played a key and crucial role. Thanks to the constant work of independent press organizations and independent media, the world was able to document and expose the abuses I faced, exposing the narco-klepto-dictatorship that, in Guatemala, reinvents itself every four years.
This global visibility not only allowed me to regain my freedom [Editor’s note: Jose Ruben was released to house arrest in October 2024 but returned to jail in March 2025], but also made evident the extent of democratic deterioration in the country. The work of journalists in exile not only keeps information and truth alive; it is also a bridge that connects diasporas with their countries of origin and a reminder that resistance is possible even from outside.
These media outlets must continue to strengthen their collaborative networks, supporting each other and developing strategies that amplify their impact, ensuring that “islands of coherence” persist and grow amidst adversity. In essence, journalists in exile are beacons that illuminate the darkest realities, ensuring that the fight for democracy and human rights transcends borders and continues to resonate globally.
Given your understanding of how democratic systems can deteriorate, what gives you hope about the possibility of new “islands of coherence” emerging even in seemingly hostile environments, and what conditions do you think make their emergence more likely?
During 2022 and 2023, the outlook in Guatemala was deeply bleak. Looking ahead to the 2023 elections, all analysts were predicting that one of three status quo candidates would consolidate what some called “the perfect dictatorship”. From prison, I came to think that my future was sealed. When elPeriódico closed, I felt that all was lost.
However, one event in particular gave me hope again. At a hearing, the prosecutor handling my case presented thousands of printed articles from independent Guatemalan media, accusing them of being part of a “criminal organization” simply for covering my case. At that moment, I realized that journalism was still alive, irreverent and fighting. There were people and groups, true “islands of coherence”, resisting, fighting and saying “No” to the established power. It was a reminder that freedom is not a philosophical concept, it is lived and exercised; it is conquered day by day, even in the most hostile environments.
This context of authoritarian regression has also generated a contrary reaction. As Newton’s third law states: “For every action there is an equal and opposite reaction.” The more attempts that have been made to silence voices, the more people have felt called to raise their own. This represents a window of hope about the possibility of new “islands of coherence” emerging even in the darkest moments.
In order for these “islands” to emerge and consolidate, certain key conditions are necessary:
1. Concrete and tangible objectives: In the midst of chaos, people need to visualize clear and achievable goals that connect with their daily lives. The fight for abstract values such as democracy and freedom must be grounded in practical achievements, such as improvements in education, health or security.
2. Collaboration and support networks: Islands of coherence cannot survive in isolation. They need to connect with each other, creating alliances that strengthen their collective impact and allow them to share resources and strategies.
3. Spaces for active resistance: Even when conditions are adverse, there are always ways to resist. Independent media, civil society organizations and citizen groups can act as beacons, keeping the truth alive and showing paths to action.
4. Citizen mobilization: Active participation by people is crucial. The more citizens get involved, whether by informing themselves, organizing, or acting, the more difficult it is for authoritarian systems to impose their will without facing resistance. Despite the dark times, I have seen how individual and collective actions can generate significant changes.
Guatemala is an example that, even in frankly hostile environments, dominated by drugs, corruption and impunity, there is always the possibility of rebuilding, resisting and moving toward a freer, fairer and more democratic future.